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Thhese times exhibit a quite unique occurrence: the first-ever US march of the babysitters. Their qualifications differ in their expertise and attributes, but they all share the common goal – to stop an Israeli infringement, or even demolition, of Gaza’s delicate truce. Since the conflict ended, there have been few occasions without at least one of the former president's delegates on the ground. Only recently included the likes of Jared Kushner, Steve Witkoff, a senator and Marco Rubio – all appearing to perform their duties.

The Israeli government keeps them busy. In only a few days it launched a set of attacks in Gaza after the deaths of a pair of Israel Defense Forces (IDF) soldiers – leading, according to reports, in many of local casualties. A number of leaders urged a renewal of the fighting, and the Israeli parliament passed a initial resolution to incorporate the West Bank. The American stance was somehow ranging from “no” and “hell no.”

Yet in more than one sense, the Trump administration appears more concentrated on maintaining the present, unstable period of the ceasefire than on advancing to the next: the rehabilitation of the Gaza Strip. Regarding that, it appears the US may have aspirations but few concrete plans.

For now, it is unknown when the planned global administrative entity will truly assume control, and the similar is true for the designated military contingent – or even the identity of its personnel. On Tuesday, a US official said the United States would not impose the structure of the international unit on the Israeli government. But if the prime minister's cabinet persists to refuse various proposals – as it acted with the Ankara's proposal recently – what happens then? There is also the contrary question: which party will establish whether the troops supported by Israel are even interested in the task?

The issue of the timeframe it will require to neutralize Hamas is equally unclear. “Our hope in the leadership is that the multinational troops is intends to now take charge in demilitarizing the organization,” stated the official recently. “That’s will require a while.” Trump further reinforced the ambiguity, stating in an conversation on Sunday that there is no “hard” timeline for Hamas to disarm. So, theoretically, the unknown members of this still unformed international contingent could deploy to Gaza while Hamas fighters continue to remain in control. Would they be facing a governing body or a militant faction? These represent only some of the issues arising. Some might question what the verdict will be for average residents in the present situation, with Hamas persisting to attack its own opponents and opposition.

Recent developments have yet again highlighted the gaps of local journalism on both sides of the Gaza frontier. Every publication attempts to scrutinize every possible aspect of the group's violations of the peace. And, usually, the fact that Hamas has been stalling the repatriation of the bodies of slain Israeli captives has taken over the news.

Conversely, attention of non-combatant casualties in Gaza caused by Israeli strikes has obtained minimal notice – or none. Take the Israeli response strikes after a recent Rafah incident, in which two troops were killed. While local officials reported 44 casualties, Israeli television commentators complained about the “moderate reaction,” which targeted just infrastructure.

This is typical. Over the past weekend, Gaza’s media office alleged Israeli forces of infringing the ceasefire with Hamas multiple times after the agreement came into effect, killing 38 individuals and harming another many more. The allegation appeared unimportant to most Israeli reporting – it was merely ignored. Even accounts that eleven members of a local family were lost their lives by Israeli forces a few days ago.

Gaza’s civil defence agency said the group had been trying to return to their residence in the Zeitoun neighbourhood of Gaza City when the transport they were in was targeted for reportedly crossing the “yellow line” that marks areas under Israeli military command. That limit is invisible to the human eye and is visible only on maps and in authoritative records – sometimes not available to average people in the territory.

Even that incident hardly rated a reference in Israeli media. One source mentioned it briefly on its website, citing an IDF spokesperson who said that after a suspicious transport was identified, forces fired cautionary rounds towards it, “but the transport kept to move toward the forces in a fashion that posed an imminent threat to them. The forces shot to remove the threat, in line with the agreement.” Zero fatalities were reported.

With this narrative, it is little wonder a lot of Israeli citizens feel Hamas alone is to responsible for infringing the ceasefire. That view threatens prompting appeals for a stronger stance in the region.

At some point – perhaps in the near future – it will no longer be sufficient for all the president’s men to take on the role of caretakers, advising the Israeli government what to avoid. They will {have to|need